The oxymoron, a figure of speech which consists in a single phrase nell'accostare two words expressing ideas contrary, is, as revealed by the greek etymology, an "acute nonsense "(oxy moron). As examples of oxymoron The Dictionary of Italian language Devoto-Oli of 2000-2001 mentions words such as "hot ice" or "parallel convergences" (though the latter might be defined, more particularly, a ... ossimoroteo).
But then there are also cases where the juxtaposition of two words from meaning that conflicts constitutes a nonsense that is not acute, but, instead, is decidedly dull, so a phrase such it could be baptized, if we were allowed to make bold, with a neologism of our coinage: amblimoro (Ambly moron), "obtuse nonsense." So the category of
amblimori could assign phrases such as "anti-imperialist anti-fascism," "Anti-fascism and anti-imperialism," "anti-fascist and anti-imperialist," "critical Americanism based on traditional anti-fascist" and the like.
Seriously, meaningless expressions such as these have been circulating recently, after someone raised the idea of \u200b\u200borganizing, in support of Iraq, an event without ideological prejudice, from which no one should be excluded on the basis of its particular political orientation . A certain
it seemed outrageous that have not been set for this initiative, the necessary condition of the profession of faith fascism by the members, so he started saying that a demonstration in support of Iraq should be politically orthodox be at the same time, "anti-imperialist and anti-fascist." What
the combination of the two concepts constitute a contradiction in adiectis for us is obvious. But, apparently, for many it is not at all and then you have to prove, given the hand.
Romolo Gobbi, that in a couple of pages outlining the history of the U.S. position of Marxism, from Marx to Soviet-American alliance in World War II, notes that "at the beginning (...) the left could only be Americanist and Ford, as from the beginning was industrialist, because from the very 'German Ideology Marx and Engels had enhanced the development of (...) And the Marxist who wanted to create socialism before the widespread development of capitalism, Lenin, and was much more American than Ford (...) "(1).
Indeed, one of the leading exponents of Marxism in Italy, the protoantifascista Antonio Gramsci, the communist group claimed the ' New Order "(which he founded in 1919 with Palmiro Togliatti and others) the merit of having supported" a form of 'Americanism' accepts the working masses. "For Gramsci, there is indeed a" main enemy ", and is, we quote verbatim," tradition ", the" European civilization (...), the old and anachronistic social structure the European population "(2). We must therefore thank, says," the old plutocratic class, " because it sought to introduce "a modern form of production and way of working which is offered by the American Type more sophisticated industry of Henry Ford (3).
And the plutocratic class, in the person of Senator Agnelli, readily identified their fellow travelers. An authoritative commentator of the classics of Marxism, Felice Plato, points out how the senator Agnelli had made some "advances" against the group of Gramsci and Togliatti, in the name of an alleged "agreement of interests between workers and capitalists of big business industry itself. " It is the same Gramsci, however, to speak in a concise manner "financing Lambs" and "attempts to Lambs to absorb the group dell''Ordine New '"(4).
Gramsci, however, was not the first nor the only one among the Marxists, to see in America the ideal landscape for building an alternative society to the European one, which unfortunately is "burdened by this leaden" of the "historical and cultural traditions" (5). Gramsci himself is, in fact, explicitly mention the interest of "Leo Davidovich (ie Lev Davidovich Braunstein, alias Trotsky) for Americanism (6), his investigations on 'American way of life and American literature.
This interest in Marxist theory is due to Americanism, says Gramsci, the importance and significance of the American phenomenon, that is, inter alia, "the biggest collective effort to create so far occurred with unprecedented speed and with a consciousness of purpose ever in history, a new type of worker and of man" (7). The achievements of Americanism have spawned a sort of inferiority complex in the Marxists, who claim the mouth of Gramsci that "anti-Americanism is comic, before being stupid (8).
We talked about, above, of American literature. Well, one of the most significant events that occurred during the twenty years of fascist culture was that which took place in 1942 with the publication of the American anthology edited by Elio Vittorini for the publisher Bompiani. It has been said quite rightly that Vittorini and the comrades who helped him in the initiative as translators (more or less all gravitating into the orbit of the clandestine Communist Party), "the contemporary American literature (...) it became a sort of flag, and it was also and perhaps most importantly as an implicit manifesto of faith fascism that Vittorini conceived and built his anthology. America should be for readers, as it was for him, a great metaphor for freedom and the future "(9 ).
even more explicit, in those same years, was an antifascist Americanism of high rank: Palmiro Togliatti. In speeches to the best address to the Moscow Radio Italian listeners, is used to boost the United States that sometimes takes real accents of mysticism. Here is a brief but significant anthology.
August 8, 1941. "And indeed we must be grateful to America not only have provided work for many decades our brothers, but for the fact that these men who emerged from the shadows of almost medieval social relationships, and understand that showed What is a modern democratic government, what is freedom. (...) Mussolini and Fascism (...) would have you believe the Italian people which it also in the American people an enemy (...). The Italians say that they know America their fellow citizens the truth. They will tell them that the people of the United States is a friend of Italy, but is a sworn enemy of all tyranny (...) And the Italians love their country, which are not and do not want to be servants of any despotism, have a new reason for gratitude to the people of the United States, from where it is today not only to the Italian people a new incentive to break their chains, but such a powerful real help "(10).
January 2, 1942." But that part comes to us for 'another voice ether. It is the voice of the great American people. In its emphasis male can hear the roar of a thousand factories that are working day and night, unceasingly, to forge cannons, tanks, planes, ammunition. A month ago, America produced in a month many aircraft as Germany and its vassals put together. Soon it will manufacture twice as much. Thirty million American workers have vowed not to slacken their efforts will be productive until they crushed the fascist regimes of terror, violence and war. Good prospects, then, for the new year "(11).
That the" resistance "fascism was a phenomenon of Anglo-American collaboration in the service of imperialism, it is a fact recognized even today by communist historiography" heretical " , that is not aligned with the mythology of the Resistance. "The indictment of the partisan movement to be included in full in the face of war on the military has had a clear historical confirmation" (12), for example, writes a historian who has written several entries for the 'Encyclopaedia of anti and Resistance. As early as 1944, however, the organ of a Communist group wrote: "Nate from the wreckage of the army, the armed gangs are, objectively and in the intentions of their leaders, the tools of war machinery English" (13).
The anti-fascist Badoglio, Catholics, liberals and social democrats have not had then too difficult to admit the collaborationist character of the "resistance", because in the postwar years their parties continued to be subordinate to politics and many American and British ex-partisans white goods continued their pro-Western activity, even in the ranks of the counter or the "Gladio" communists and socialists, however, having sided with the USSR in the situation created by the Cold War, sought to create an image of the patriotic "resistance" and attributed to the action on the sole of partisan defeat Nazis and Fascists. As if the Anglo-Americans had not existed.
As if the partisan action of anti-fascists had not been supported and funded by Western imperialists. In South
busy, some formations of the far left were immediately made available to Anglo-American invaders. In Campania, for instance, was born on the Italian Revolutionary Socialist Party, which among its immediate objectives posed to "help the Allies in the liberation of the remaining territory of the peninsula" (14). "After having accepted the Allies as liberators, the SRs had met in Salem with General Clark asking for troops to assist in their entry in Naples and had also participated in the negotiations for the constitution of Italy fighting groups" (15 ).
the North, since February 1943, the Communist Party, the Action Party, the Proletarian Party for a socialist republic and the Christian Socialist Party had been in contact with the OSS, the U.S. Secret Service, through a liaison officer of prim 'order: the engineer Adriano Olivetti, friend Carlo Rosselli (16).
dependence, including economic, of the anti-fascist parties CLNAI by Anglo-American high command was formalized with a five-page document written in English, so-called Protocols of Rome, which were signed December 7, 1944 by British General Henry Maitland Wilson, commanding general ally in the Mediterranean, and the anti-fascist leaders: Alfredo Pizzoni ("Pietro Longhi), Ferruccio Parri (" Mauritius "), Giancarlo Pajetta (" Ocean "), Edgardo Sogno (" Mauri ").
partisans are committed to undertake during the conflict, all orders of the Allies, agree to appoint as military chief of the Corps Volunteers of Liberty is a delight to the official Anglo-Americans; undertake to carry out any order after the "liberation" of the Italian territory. And CLNAI, for its part, is recognized by the Anglo-Americans as the only government in fact and law, in northern Italy.
in section 5 of the document is provided for the financing to be allocated to anti-fascist activities in these terms: "During the period of enemy occupation in Northern Italy the Utmost assistance will be given to the CLNAI in common with all other anti-fascist Organisations, to meets the needs of members who are Engaged in Their Opposing the enemy in Occupied Territory: a monthly contribution not exceeding 160 million pounds will be made on the authority of the Supreme Allied Commander to meet the expenses of the CLNAI and all other anti-fascist Organisations ".
Translated in Italian imperialists Atlantic allocate a monthly funding of 160 million pounds (then worth) in favor of anti-fascist collaborators, to be divided in five Italian regions in the following proportions: 20 Liguria, Piemonte 60, 25 Lombardy, Emilia 20, Veneto 35.
By signing the Rome Protocols, therefore, the High Committee for National Liberation Italy formally makes even the partisan movement in the Anglo-American military strategy and make it as a joint author writes, "to direct dependencies of the Allies "(17), while the Volunteers of Liberty Command is recognized as the executor of orders from the commander in chief ally.
But let the word of Renzo De Felice. "The agreements led to the strength of Rome 160 million. It was the salvation. And Harold MacMillan, on-site manager of the British policy in the Mediterranean, could write in his memoirs and satisfied with the ferocious comment: 'Who pays the piper decides the music'" ( 18).
"Breaking with the Allies, the Resistance, was impossible: it would be economic catastrophe (Parri the same drive in his Memorial of the Resistance, written in 1972, recalls that the prospect was to 'close shop')" (19)
"The Allies knew they had the best cards in hand: the military and economic aid. If a partisan to maintain, at the end of 1943, served thousand pounds, at the beginning of 1945 it cost 3000 and even 8000, in the most expensive. In short, the economic issue had become political. An army so large it could not finance itself: the requisition, forced taxation, supply shocks, ie robbery, robberies, thefts were compromised, in that long winter of '44, the very image of the movement in the area. The results were catastrophic. Necessary to rationalize the system of funding beyond the grant of industrial, but as time went on they increasingly fear the Germans, and the aid of British and American secret services. This was the masterpiece of Pizzoni. The money of the Allies arrived in Milan from South via Switzerland "(20).
In 1944, at the sight of an extreme left salaried Anglo-American, the fascist Republican Stanis Ruinas turned it to his old friend, who had landed from the anti-bourgeois fascism to communism: "At the risk of passing through a naive, I confess I do not understand how men who claim to be revolutionary - socialist anarchist communists - and that their ideals have suffered imprisonment and exile, can applaud plutocratic England and America trustistica in the name of democracy and democratic freedom devastate Europe. I sense in advance for your answer. From revolutionary not like Hitler and Mussolini did not you trust. All right. But how do you to trust in England imperialist who betrayed Persia, crushed the Boer republics, oppressed for so long as India and Egypt, and will retain the right to protect and manage so many people worthy of freedom? (...) How do you reconcile your revolutionary ideals with those of Churchill and Roosevelt? "(21).
Thank God, soon Marshal Stalin would force them, these" men who call themselves revolutionaries, "to deny the their confidence in the 'plutocratic England "and in the' America trustistica." But those among their children and grandchildren, who now climb into the chair to give lessons of anti-imperialism, to require credentials, and to impose rulings, would do well to study the story of their family and think about it. And if you do not want to rule the damnatio memoriae for those that their ancestors have done in a while the music chosen by those who paid them in dollars and pounds, at least sparing us the obtuse nonsense of the 'anti-fascist anti-imperialism. "
Claudio Mutti
(1) Romolo Gobbi, Europe against America. The American anti-Europeanism from its origins to the present day, MB Publishing, Milano 2002, p. 10.
(2) Antonio Gramsci, Americanism and Fordism, Universale Economica, Milano 1950, pp. 20-21. The pages of Gramsci collected in this edition are the Quaderno 22 (V) 1934 of the Prison Notebooks.
(3) Op cit., P. 20.
(4) Op cit., P. 18. The Editor's Note, Happy Plato, is in the footnote.
(5) Op cit., P. 25.
(6) Op cit., P. 42. On relations with Trotsky usurocrazia U.S. cf. Pierre Saint-Charles, Bankers and the Bolsheviks, in: Henri Coston (Ed.), High Finance and revolutions, Editions Ar, Padova 1971, pp. 41-50.
(7) Op cit., Ibid.
(8) Op cit., P. 62.
(9) John Raboni, and one day he woke up the next American. Sixty years ago the legendary anthology Vittorini got off the fascist idea about the U.S. "Evil Empire", "Corriere della Sera, September 24, 2002, p. 35.
(10) Mario Correnti (Palmiro Togliatti), Speeches Italians, Unity Publishing House, Rome 1943, pp. 40-42.
(11) Op cit., P. 93.
(12) Arturo Peregalli, The other resistance. The PCI and the leftist opposition. 1943-1945, Graphos, Genova 1991, p. 356.
(13) On the right track, "Prometheus", 4, 1 February 1944.
(14) Arturo Peregalli, op. cit., p. 130.
(15) Ibid.
(16) "It looks like Rosselli also physically, perhaps because it is half jew, his father's side" - wrote in his report that he met the informant OSS Olivetti near Bern. See Bruno and Ennio Caretto Marolo, Made in USA. The American origin of the Italian Republic, Rizzoli, Milano 1996, p. 58 ff.
(17) Renzo Del Carrie Workers without revolution, vol. IV, Savelli, Roma 1976, p. 166.
(18) Renzo De Felice, Red and I N, Baldini & Castoldi, Milano 1995, p. 88.
(19) Renzo De Felice, op. cit., pp. 84-85.
(20) Renzo De Felice, op. cit., pp. 95-96.
(21) Stanis Ruinas, Letters to a revolutionary, cit. in: Paul Buchignani, red fascists. From Salo to PCI, the unknown story of a migration policy 1943-1953, Mondadori, Milano 1998, pp. 21-22. _____________________________________________________________________________________
ARTICLE TAKEN FROM: Popular Action Movement http://movimentodiazionepopolare.blogspot.com/
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